Session 2 - Decision Making
Why is it important to think about decision making in ethics?
To do good, or to do bad, a person’s actions must result from their having
exercised choice - in other words when they have made a decision. This choice
could be thought of as ‘informed’, ‘considered’, ‘unduly influenced’,
‘principled’, ‘constricted’ or a host of other things, but what precedes
the decision (‘the reasoning behind it’) is commonly what we assess when we
assign praise or blame. This applies equally when we evaluate our own decisions.
In this session, we examine two constructions of the decision making process:
rational choice theory and Image Theory.
Ethics is an applied discipline. Gaining more insight into decision making
processes can be useful to remove some assumptions. For example, organizational
decisions are often portrayed as rational, driven by cost and benefit criteria.
On closer examination, these decisions can often be better understood in terms
of other themes: culture, power, politics, tradition, symbolism, habit etc. We
may have similar delusions about the way we make choices, for example that we
weigh up all the evidence before making a reasoned judgment, and are impassive
to prejudice or bias.
Decision Making
This document provides an overview and analysis of some key themes relating
to decision-making. Often the way in which decision-making processes are
represented is inaccurate and misleading. To illustrate this, we will look at a
brief history of the literature on decision-making, and examine evidence that
suggests the predominant, ‘rational choice’ or ‘economic’ accounts are
flawed. We will then look at an alternative account of the decision-making
process, ‘Image Theory’, which is arguably more useful in describing the
character of most of our decisions.
Taking a decision making perspective on business ethics is warranted, because
unlike other philosophical pursuits, ethics is an inherently practical
discipline. If we have more insight into how decisions are typically made, we
have a better basis for assessing the ethical merit of a particular course of
action. First though, we shall look at some examples of typical business
decisions.
Within the organisation:
Promotion, induction, relocation, training and development provision,
redundancy, inward investment, managing groups and teams, managing individuals,
signalling culture/image, choosing what is valued, choices within procedural
frameworks (discipline and grievance, reward and appraisal), construction of ‘deviance’,
choice of norms, control and compliance methods.
Outside of the organisation:
Recruitment/selection, relationship with supply chain (purchasing /
invoicing; manufacturers, customers) advertising, promotion, emphasis on
quality, importance of corporate image, other relationships (stakeholders,
shareholders), choice of adhering to standards (accounting standards, quality,
fiduciary responsibility, legal requirements)
In addition to this, it is important to remember that some decisions are made
individually, whereas others are made in groups. Decisions may be time pressured
or otherwise constrained by resources, cultural norms or other boundary
conditions. Often, there may not be an ideal solution. Less obviously perhaps,
it is not always easy to determine when, or whether a decision needs to be made
at all.
There are many, many ways to understand how people make choices. This
document briefly explains and contextualises some of the most influential ideas,
rather than putting forward a fully comprehensive ‘literature review’.
Initially, it is useful to sketch some of the broad theoretical approaches we
might use if we were interested in explaining decision making.
We could try to model individual
psychological factors (values / attitudes / beliefs / traits / drives / goals)
that we think will influence behaviour. A famous example of this type of
profiling – sometimes called psychographics - is the VALS (Values and
Lifestyles) program developed by SRI International (so called because it was
originally founded as the Stamford Research Institute in 1946). VALS splits
people into 8 types of consumer: ‘fulfilleds’, ‘believers’ (these two
are principle oriented), ‘actualizers’, ‘achievers’, ‘strivers’,
‘strugglers’ (these four are status oriented), ‘experiencers’ and ‘makers’
(the last two are action oriented). These categories were used to great effect
in the election campaigns of both Thatcher and Reagan, to align political
rhetoric to meet the wants of key voter groups.
From a motivational perspective we
might understand choice in terms of:
1. ‘Needs’. Maslow’s hierarchy suggests we have different types of
need: physiological / survival needs, security needs, social needs, personal
needs (prestige, respect), self-actualization needs – i.e. personal
fulfilment.
2. ‘Hygiene / motivator factors’. Herzberg’s 2-factor theory of
motivation suggests that some things can never be motivating, though their
absence is demotivating – these are referred to as hygiene factors; some
non-essential factors (camaraderie) can be motivators.
3. Other motivational theories e.g. Adams’ equity theory, or Locke’s
goal theory.
To analyse choice in detail we could
try to uncover the heuristics (learned rules) people use in navigating the
typically complex social world. This can also be thought of as trying to
analyse a type of learning – see next.
From a learning perspective we might
understand choice in terms of:
1. ‘Classical’ conditioning (think Pavlov’s dogs)
2. Behavioural learning (one shorthand mnemonic for this is the SOR -
Stimulus > Organism > Response model, but it also involves analysing
behavioural cues and drives).
3. Cognitive learning (connecting ideas and solving problems, or
observing behaviours and drawing inferences).
4. Learning heuristically (through trial and error) and incorporating
schemas (rules) or habits into everyday situations can help because these
things reduce complexity (this is one way in which consumer brands work –
by hooking to routines / schemas designed to save time, reduce clutter and
reduce risk).
Choice might be explained partly in
terms of the influence of external factors (the local environment / community,
or more widely still social class / culture) or the influence of others (peers
/ family / opinion leaders / word of mouth).
More fundamentally, our interpretation
is influenced by how we construe people: are they actors living out a script;
can they be understood purely in terms of their roles; are they best
understood in terms of Freud’s ego, super-ego (conscience) and id (basic
drives); are they merely workers?
Decision making is studied in many fields: international relations,
psychology, business, economics, statistics, political science, public policy,
probability theory etc. Examples of problems that are studied include:
international conflict resolution, environmental risk assessment and management,
organizational behaviour, consumer behaviour, public policy formulation,
clinical judgment, ethical decision making. Sometimes people explicitly refer to
behavioural decision theories. These are more closely geared towards describing
what actually happens in a given context, rather than deriving absolute theories
of human decision making, such as rational choice theories.
Though there is a vast literature on decision making, I suggest it can be
useful to think of two perspectives on how people take decisions: firstly, there
are rational choice models of the decision making process (sometimes called ‘economic’
/ ‘utility maximising’ / ‘subjective expected utility’ or SEU models);
then there are the others, which we could loosely think of as behavioural. If we
understand the principles behind the first sort, which I will refer to here
collectively as rational choice theories (RCT), we will understand their
principal advantages and problems. Then in turn we are better placed to
understand alternative accounts of decision making.
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Rational Choice
RCT is a summary term for the most popular ways to explain individual action
in a range of settings. A basic premise of these theories is that individuals
act to maximise their utility (this is not quite the same as happiness, but it
is pretty close – utility is often modelled in terms of pay or a monetary
figure), and so it has close ties to Utilitarian ethical systems. At its heart,
RCT suggests that faced with a given number of options, a person (people are
assumed to be rational individuals) will do what they believe is likely to have
the best overall outcome for them. From this premise follows a powerful way to
explain the behaviour of people in many different settings, e.g. labour markets,
elections, superstores, the stock market. Note that being able to provide
an explanation for something is not the same as actually explaining it,
nor does it mean that the explanation is valid.
From this simple premise follow several implications, and a series of problems.
RCT models need to explain three stages of the decision.
First the individual needs to collect information, to generate a range of
options. However this incurs cost, and so uncertainty creeps in. When is the
optimal time at which to stop gathering information? There is no hard and fast
rule for this if we accept that people cannot generally have perfect information
(as outlined in more detail below).
Second, the individual needs to evaluate these different options. This process
is shaped by the individual’s beliefs, and based on the information they have
available. This is another source of uncertainty.
Third, the individual chooses the best way to obtain their goal, given their
beliefs.
Here are some problems with RCT:
In everyday life we never face
decisions with perfect information. This introduces a key source of complexity
- risk. Risk aversion even plays a part in many of our most banal decisions.
A further source of everyday complexity
is the environment we each have to negotiate. Faced with an overwhelming
number of potential choices, no-one has time to weigh up the pros and cons of
each and every one.
A related point is that it is not
really possible to choose between many of these types of options (e.g. picking
between 2 near identical options), so there must be a non-rational basis for
some decisions – even if it is the psychological equivalent of flipping a
coin.
When people weigh up the pros and cons
of a particular option, they often stop deliberating when they have found ‘enough’
support, rather than carrying on to assess whether there is also a case to be
made against. For example, we might find sufficient support for the idea of
going to the pub, and select this option (stop deliberating) before genuinely
weighing up all the cons. This intrinsically human characteristic is at odds
with the RCT ideal of dispassionately weighing up a choice.
Many of our decision are not one-off,
isolated choices, but part of the ongoing narrative of our lives. In this
sense, we do not make decisions in a purely ‘rational’ manner, but do so
in light of other choices we have already made, or are yet to make.
We may also persist in pursuing an
irrational course of action, because we have already invested in it, a
phenomenon sometimes known as ‘escalation’. On a grander scale, this is
often a feature of projects that go spectacularly wrong, such as the
Millennium Dome.
Similarly, we may choose in light of
other decisions we have already made to preserve consistency, and to reduce
‘cognitive dissonance’ (such as insisting that you do like
something you bought, because it is less painful to believe that than to admit
to yourself that you got ‘ripped off’).
To paraphrase the philosopher Hume,
reason is very often the ‘slave of the passions’. There is commonsense
value in holding on to the idea that we make some choices because they ‘feel
right’, or ‘on impulse’. For some of these decisions we may take delight
in their non-rational character. They may be a minor act of rebellion.
Many of our actions are carried out by
virtue of habit, tradition, custom, or duty. They are not calculated, but
determined by ‘social norms’, which have themselves evolved in
archetypically non-rational ways and involve ritual, culture or superstition.
RCT has sometimes been called a ‘normative’
way of looking at the decision process. That is to say, that rather than
actually describing what is going on when we make a decision, critics of RCT
say it describes what some theorists think ought to be going on when we
make a decision.
Before we look at one alternative to RCT, it is worth briefly qualifying some
of these problems. RCT is an attempt to explain human behaviour in all its
instances. Given the size of this task and the relative simplicity of RCT, it is
unsurprising that it has flaws. Proponents of RCT could provide answers to many
of these objections, though in my opinion they would not necessarily be
satisfactory ones. They could also point to this being a fairly crude outline.
Also, the aim of any theory or model is to balance parsimony with explanatory
power – RCT is certainly parsimonious. It is my opinion that RCT has its uses,
but given this context for decision making - consumer behaviour - we need an
alternative way of understanding the decision making process.
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Image Theory
Image Theory focuses on goals and incorporates heuristics (‘rules of thumb’,
or schema), values and other intrinsically non-rational elements. In addition,
Image Theory incorporates elements of RCT when modelling some types of decision.
In this sense it is not really an ‘alternative’ to RCT (but incorporates
it), because they are not mutually exclusive.
However, within Image Theory, RCT is only occasionally seen as offering an
accurate and valid view of the decision process. Some decisions will be
adequately described by this sequence:
collect information > generate alternatives > weigh up alternatives
> choose one > act
Most though are better understood in terms of intuitive elements, learned
rules based on past experience and personal principles, or values. This applies even
to the ones that are typically understood to be rational (perhaps because they
are important and infrequent) such as choosing a job, buying a house or car. If
we accept that the ‘crunch’ decisions are often made on a non-rational basis
it is a short step to understanding our day-to-day (time pressured, more
frequent, less significant etc.) choices are similarly non-rational.
Central to understanding Image Theory is the emphasis on intuitive elements
within the decision making process. Each of us feels the need for our decisions
to ‘fit’ with internal values, goals and strategies
(these are cognitive structures called ‘images’). Decision-making typically
involves ‘screening’ of options, and most decisions are decisions not
to do something, i.e. rejections. This makes sense if we think of the
vast demands made on us in coping with the everyday. It will be beneficial in
the long run to ignore most things and enjoy a kind of inertial drift, otherwise
we would never get anything done, but would instead spend our time being
distracted, weighing up alternatives for each possible decision we had to take.
The other, less frequent type of decision we make is the adoption
decision. On some occasions one option will survive the screening process and on
these instances, we test the option against our sets of images, i.e. our
internal values, goals and strategies. If this is
compatible (the option ‘fits’), then we adopt the decision (i.e. do
something).
On the rare occasions that more than one option survives screening, then a
test of ‘profitability’ establishes the best alternative. We then test the
surviving option against our sets of images, and if it is compatible, we adopt
it. This last, least frequent scenario is somewhat analogous to RCT (weighing up
alternatives). Although including a notion of profitability and weighing up of
alternatives constitutes an explicit acknowledgement that some decisions are ‘rational’,
Image Theory stresses first and foremost the non-rational character of most
decisions.
To summarise then, following Image Theory:
On most occasions, when confronted with
a potential course of action, we screen it out.
Less frequently, we find that a
potential course of action survives this screening process, in which case, if
it ‘fits’ with our images we adopt it.
Still less frequently, more than one
potential course of action survives the screening process. In these cases, we
pick the most profitable course of action. If this ‘fits’ with our images
we adopt it.
Some problems with Image Theory are that:
It is less parsimonious than RCT.
Some of the terms are quite hard to pin
down.
It is not as widely known or accepted
as RCT, so using it as a theoretical basis will mean needing to persuade one’s
audience!
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References / Further Reading
This is a list of sources to some important papers / books in this field. I
have tried to group it into meaningful categories and selected those that are
relevant to this document. Please note, this is only included for interest and I
do not recommend people track any of these down unless they develop a particular
interest in decision making for this, or other modules.
In General:
Beach L. R. (1990) Image Theory: decision making in personal and
organizational contexts, Wiley, Chichester Langley A., Mintzberg H., Pitcher
P., Posada E. and Saint-Macary J. (1995) ‘Opening Up Decision Making: the view
from the black stool’, Organization Science, 6(3): 260-279
Zey M. (Ed) (1992) Decision Making: alternatives to rational choice models,
Sage, London
Emotions in Decision Making:
Elster, J. (1999). Strong feelings: Emotion, addiction, and human behavior.
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Frank, R. H. (1988). Passions within Reason: The strategic role of the
emotions. New York: Norton.
Risk Perception:
Highhouse, S., & Yüce, P. (1996). Perspectives, perceptions, and
risk-taking behavior. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 65:
159-167.
Escalation:
Garland, H. (1990). Throwing good money after bad: The effect of sunk costs
on the decision to escalate commitment to an ongoing project. Journal of
Applied Psychology, 75: 728-731.
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